At the time of writing, a petition by Lepak Conversations urging the Singapore government to formally recognise the State of Palestine has garnered over 10,000 signatures. Globally, more than 140 nations— a clear majority— have already taken this crucial diplomatic step. Recent additions, such as Spain, Ireland, and Norway, reflect the growing consensus that Palestinian sovereignty is long overdue.
Meanwhile, the plight of ordinary Palestinians has only worsened. Prolonged bombardments and oppressive military occupation have renewed calls for a two-state solution along 1967 borders. In May, the United Nations (UN) General Assembly overwhelmingly passed a resolution to elevate Palestine’s status to that of a member-state, but the same had been blocked in the Security Council by a U.S. veto.
Singapore has not been silent. Our recent vote in favor of Palestine’s member-state status underscores a commitment to the two-state solution. Additionally, through the $10 million pledged in its Enhanced Technical Assistance Plan (ETAP), Singapore has trained hundreds of Palestinian officials in governance, diplomacy, and urban planning—skills essential for building a future Palestinian state. Naturally, Singapore has also rushed the delivery of humanitarian aid to alleviate civilian suffering.
Yet, despite these efforts, Singapore remains in the minority of nations that have not formally recognised Palestine. We neither recognise a Palestinian government nor have we exchanged embassies, though we maintain a Representative Office in Ramallah and work closely with the Palestinian Authority (PA). Why do we hesitate?
The government’s position, as outlined by the Foreign Minister, Dr Vivian Balakrishnan, in response to questions in Parliament, rests on three key points:
- Singapore is not a direct party to the negotiations; Palestinian and Israeli authorities must work out the two-state solution between themselves.
“We have consistently advocated for a negotiated two-state solution, that is consistent with the relevant United Nations (UN) Security Council resolutions, because we believe this is the way for Israelis and Palestinians to live side by side in peace and security.” - Singapore supports the PA’s preparations for statehood but is concerned by the lack of unified Palestinian leadership across Gaza and the West Bank.
“…is there an effective Palestinian government or leadership who represents all Palestinians which has effective control over, at a minimum, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and has the mandate and the authority to negotiate with the Israelis on behalf of Palestinians?” - As a “small, remote, and multiracial” nation, Singapore prioritizes constructive engagement with all parties and should avoid diplomatically disruptive acts.
“Let’s not engage in performative gestures… To be able to be welcomed by all sides, including warring parties, requires a track record of principled, deliberate, careful diplomacy.”
While this approach faithfully represents Singaporeans’ collective humanitarian concern and desire for peace, realities on the ground provide compelling reasons for recognizing Palestine now.
How likely is a negotiated, two-state solution at this point?
Singapore’s stance assumes that recognition must follow a negotiated peace agreement. However, history shows that Israel, as the dominant power, has little incentive to negotiate in good faith. Israel’s military strength vastly outweighs Palestine’s. For every Israeli death, nearly 40 Palestinians are killed. In Gaza, 70% of the dead are women and children.
Some Israeli officials and political figures have even openly endorsed a vision of a “Greater Israel”: an outrageous proposal for Israel to seize total control of the West Bank and other territories far beyond internationally recognized boundaries. The West Bank today is fragmented into isolated enclaves of Palestinian communities, surrounded by a growing network of Israeli settlements, roads, and checkpoints. The International Court of Justice (ICJ) has ruled settler expansion a violation of international law, yet the Israeli government persists, having grown the settler population beyond 700,000. When tensions inevitably flare between settlers and Palestinians, Israeli authorities respond by suppressing Palestinian resistance— arresting young boys for throwing stones at armored vehicles alongside elderly civilians caught up in the confusion. Detention camps in the region are notorious for torturing detainees and denying them legal recourse. In essence, the current Israeli government has no intention of honoring a two-state agreement. Unless coerced by significant international pressure, it will continue flexing its military might to force Palestinians from their homes and give them to settlers.
If Singapore were to recognise Palestine immediately, how would Israel respond?
Anticipating an Israeli response requires some understanding of its domestic situation. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s far-right government faces growing internal dissent and international condemnation. Many Israelis are weary of war, eager for a hostage deal, and some are even outraged by the mass slaughter of Palestinians. Netanyahu’s political rift with ex-Defense Minister Yoav Gallant proves that Israeli public opinion is not monolithic. While Gallant is no ally to Palestinians— having overseen many atrocities committed by Israeli forces— he has publicly criticized Netanyahu for obstructing hostage deals and needlessly prolonging the conflict. Both men are wanted war criminals by the International Criminal Court (ICC), but their disagreements highlight that the current administration would rather prosecute the war than move toward a ceasefire in the interests of both Israelis and Palestinians.
Singapore has already demonstrated a principled stance on sovereignty by condemning Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and imposing sanctions despite potential repercussions. We are willing to act vigorously to uphold the principles that justify our own existence as an independent and sovereign city-state. Recognising Palestine aligns with our national character and longstanding commitment to the two-state solution.
By now, it is obvious that a Netanyahu-led Israel will continue using military means to oppose Palestinian independence. While it is right to encourage dialogue between the Israeli and Palestinian parties, we can only assume that the Israeli government will come to the negotiating table in bad faith. It has already disregarded the international community by expanding its settlement program while collectively punishing Palestinians with displacement and manmade famine. When Israel lashes out at other countries for recognising Palestinian statehood with diplomatic tantrums, it merely confirms the administration’s innate hostility to an equitable two-state peace.
Are there examples Singapore can look to in formally recognising Palestine?
A majority of UN member states— 146 of 193— have already recognised Palestine by receiving its ambassadors, forging free trade agreements, and even designating East Jerusalem as its capital. Norway recently joined this effort, with Prime Minister Jonas Gahr Store framing recognition as support for “moderate forces that are on a retreating front in a cruel and protracted conflict”. Singapore has already voted in favor of Palestine’s UN membership; recognising its sovereignty would be a natural extension of this stance.
There is nothing outrageous or unreasonable about Palestinians’ national aspirations. If anything, they mirror Singaporeans’ firm sense of self-determination that beat all odds to establish a prosperous, independent, and secure city-state. Recognising Palestinian statehood is not going to magically propel Palestinians to new heights of freedom and prosperity. The hard work of nation-building must carry on as our Merdeka forebears know first-hand. It will, however, send a clear message that Palestinian sovereignty is not up for debate. Israel, despite imposing military rule over all Palestine, cannot unilaterally write its independence out of the equation for lasting peace. The international community will not tolerate it, and neither will Singapore.
When we found ourselves newly independent, we looked to our bustling port, our hopeful people, and saw the building blocks of a nation. Palestinians looking to their ancestral homes and olive groves arrive at the same conclusion. The only difference is that their land is currently under occupation and bombardment, ours is not. Yet the memories of Singapore’s wartime history still echo in the minds of our elders. Our national story of survival and sovereignty compels us to uphold a rules-based international order, where even a tiny island like ours can make big waves by its moral example.
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